There are many hurdles to be cleared before online voting can be used – and trusted – for a general election. As Bercow said in January: “We cannot be under any illusion this would be easy to achieve. The fact electronic voting is incredibly rare across the globe I believe is testament to some of the problems delivering it.”
Estonia has been the most proactive in its adoption of online voting, which was first used nationally in its 2007 general election. Only 3.4% of the population used it then, but by the time of the 2015 parliamentary elections just over 30% voted online.
However, an independent report into how the system works found “alarming” technological problems and “staggering gaps in procedural and operational security…the architecture of the system leaves it open to cyber-attacks from foreign powers, such as Russia.”
Shocking
In 2013, an international team of independent experts in electronic voting and computer security were gathered to examine the Estonian system. Jason Kitcat of the Open Rights Group said: “I was shocked at what I found. Processes and procedures changed on a daily basis; attempts to hide errors. CDs were being loaded into this system with no apparent audit trails, they were just being pulled in and out of backpacks.”
The Estonian system was then recreated using the same source code to work out what attacks on both the system’s servers and voters’ home computers could be possible. Malware built by the team of IT researchers beat all safeguards used to supposedly make voting safe. The malware was able to override the citizen’s actions and vote for a different candidate. Next, the team successfully installed undiscoverable malware on the servers used to count votes and changed which party received the most.
“We never thought we would see as many problems and vulnerabilities as we did and we felt duty bound to make the public aware of those problems”, Kitcat added.
When opposition leader Sam Rainsy last year turned his back on a promise to return to Cambodia and face a prison sentence dropped on him while he was overseas, he cited the potential for the government to use any subsequent protests or violence to derail election reforms.
“The ruling party wants to delay the election process, and to delay the election process, there must be incidents and escalating violence, which would give them the pretext they need to dismantle the CNRP, or to delay the election process,” Mr. Rainsy said at the time.
—News Analysis—
Men check voter lists during the 2012 commune elections. (Lauren Crothers)
He decided to flee to Paris rather than rocking the boat, banking on the idea that the CNRP would win the next national election in 2018 as long as the voter list was cleaned of the potential for voter fraud.
But there is more than one way to delay the election process. And while Mr. Rainsy’s decision not to return might have helped avoid an outbreak of political violence, the CNRP has found itself hamstrung by creeping delays in the implementation of electoral reforms it has pinned its hopes on.
The projected start of voter registration has been pushed back from March to May to July to August—and now perhaps September. Civil society groups this week expressed concerns about the National Election Committee’s repeated delays in its plans to build a clean voter list from scratch before the 2017 commune elections.
Sophal Ear, an associate professor at Occidental College in Los Angeles and the author of “Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy,” said it appeared that the CPP was purposely trying to slow down reform.
“When it’s this many delays, and the answers don’t add-up, you betcha. Drag your feet until the changes that would benefit your opponent are practically impossible, run down that clock!” Mr. Ear said in an email.
Until the NEC finally removes all the double and missing names from the voter list by re-registering all 10 million eligible voters, the opposition party will remain in perpetual fear of giving the CPP pretext to derail its coveted reforms, he said.
“The CNRP is in a poor position not just until the new voter list is completed, but until they actually are allowed to win,” Mr. Ear wrote. “I hate to quote Stalin, but he did say ‘Those who vote decide nothing. Those who count the votes decide everything.’”
Thanks to painstaking negotiations between the CPP and CNRP in the aftermath of the contested 2013 elections, those who count the votes now include members of both parties. However, the NEC’s chairman, Sik Bunhok, is a former CPP lawmaker, and its controversial secretary-general, CPP stalwart Tep Nytha, was recently brought back for another term of service.
And with the 2017 commune elections looming, Mr. Rainsy said in an email on Thursday that he believed Prime Minister Hun Sen was purposely trying to slow down the electoral reform process and derail voter registration “because he would definitely lose any free and fair election.”
Commission for Election Rights of Overseas Cambodians (The CEROC),
This part (56), Mr. Sophan Seng continued to elaborate on The CEROC, or Commission for Election Rights of Overseas Cambodians, an advocate body for the full fledgling participation in political affairs by the Cambodians overseas.
1. Cambodians overseas have no matter with Cambodia politics in general, but Cambodia as a nation has matters with them as those Cambodians overseas has sent millions of dollar a year to help develop economy of this nation. This doesn’t include the feeling of attachment and pride they have always conveyed for Cambodia. And those Cambodians overseas have brought Cambodia to the international arena more than the current effort of Cambodian government to contribute through their embassies.
2. Cambodian government leadership must be responsive to comply by the Cambodia Constitution and the charter of rights of the United Nations. Article 34 of Cambodia Constitution and Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations have solemnly confirmed the unalienable rights of Cambodians overseas to vote in Cambodia elections.
I do frankly appreciate Politikoffee and all group members who are very energetic, savvy, bravery, and outstanding.
The CEROC is a neutral organization employed by volunteers to advocate for the rights to vote of all Cambodians overseas. It has no political affiliation to any body or party.
My presentation today is solely my personal view and finding. It doesn’t represent view and finding among team members entirely.
The presentation session is trying to be fun, fast and functional. Please, feel free to interrupt me by raising your hand if you have concerns or to ask for clarification. Please, don’t forget to shortly introduce yourself by: telling name and your background.
I do reserve my position to answer question(s) that I know them best and not-answer the question(s) that I don’t know, by saying “I don’t know”.
Why rights to vote matters for Cambodians overseas.
Pragmatically speaking, Cambodians overseas have no matter or problem at all. Those are very independent and making their living through their own hard working and no worry about accountability and transparency towards tax-payers and citizens in Cambodia. In contrasts, their contributions and nondetachable social linkage have surely engaged a responsible government to arrange space for them to exercise right to vote in Cambodia elections. Other thing, they have already enfranchised full right to vote in Cambodia elections but it is just the affiliated political organizations in Cambodia that have not disenfranchised them.
So what are matters and problems? Two things to be considered:
1. Legal aspects: Cambodia constitution (article 34: Khmer citizens of both sexes shall enjoy the right to vote and to stand as candidates for the election. Khmer citizens of both sexes, at least eighteen years old, have the right to vote. Khmer citizens of both sexes, at least twenty-five years old, have the right to stand as candidates for the elections of the members of the National Assembly. Khmer citizens of both sexes, at least forty years old, have the right to stand as candidates for the elections of the members of the Senate. Provisions restricting the right to vote and the right to stand as candidates for the elections shall be determined by the Electoral Law.) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations, article 21 (right to vote: The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot or by equivalent free voting procedures.
2. Economic and social aspects: remittances of about 500 millions per year pouring into Cambodia from approximate 450,000 Cambodians permanently living abroad and 600,000 Cambodians temporarily working abroad. The belonging feeling and attachment to birthplace, languages, and culture has played important role as an nondetachable linkage.
What’s the CEROC?
– It is Commission for Election Rights of Overseas Cambodians. The birth of this organization is too hilarious because I (myself) was invited to vote by a Phillipino friend. He asked me what date is your election day? I proudly responded to him that “July 28, 2013” and he replied “congratulations”. In reality, I must not tell him a lie because as one of the Cambodians overseas, I could not vote in Cambodia elections. I am indebted to this memory and the memory was always embedded in my head. So around February, I initiated to talk with many close friends about this intent, and we began with simple activity is to ask among our siblings and close friends about their opinions and to sign petition to the Uns. First, we focused mainly on diaspora communities members, but later we expanded to migrant workers, students, and government officials. Adding to petition campaign, we are working to conduct researches and publications for the near future.
