What Can We Expect From the New Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet?

What Can We Expect From the New Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet?

Posted by: Leadership Skills | Posted on: August 20, 2023

The Geopolitics
August 20, 2023
What Can We Expect From the New Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet?
By Sam Rainsy

Cambodia will have a new prime minister on August 22 in the person of Hun Manet, who will replace his father Hun Sen. This change has been orchestrated by Hun Sen himself after his 38-year rule, matching by only two African dictators.

Hun Manet’s assumption of office holds mostly symbolic value, as no significant changes in the political landscape of Cambodia are anticipated. In reality, Hun Sen will continue to pull the strings as the head of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), a party of communist origin that has been in power since 1979. Little will truly change as long as the current system established by Hun Sen himself remains intact. Hun Manet will effectively be a captive of this system, which he must preserve under the watchful eye of his father.

Neo-Khmer Rouge Regime

Hun Sen’s regime can be characterized as a neo-Khmer Rouge regime, as it is based on violence and impunity, much like under Pol Pot. Hun Sen was a loyal military leader under Pol Pot from 1975 to 1977. Under Hun Sen, at every level of the state, many new Cambodian leaders after Pol Pot were recruited from former Khmer Rouge cadres, allowing for the maintenance of a police state to this day.

What Hun Sen primarily expects from his son, Hun Manet, is the assurance of continued impunity. It’s widely known that in Phnom Penh, the courts are under political control, and none of the numerous political crimes – resembling acts of state terrorism – which have been committed under Hun Sen have ever been subject to a serious investigation. Cambodia is a land of impunity where the worst murderers roam freely within the corridors of state.

A glimmer of hope for an end to this impunity recently emerged from Paris. On 30 December, 2021, a French investigating judge’s ordinance hinted that Hun Sen could be prosecuted in France once he loses his judicial immunity tied to his role as head of government. This would be in relation to the grenade attack in Phnom Penh on 30 March, 1997. As a French citizen, I had filed a complaint against Hun Sen in the Paris court for an assassination attempt against me that resulted in at least 16 deaths among my supporters on that day.

Hun Sen’s second objective in passing the power from father to son is the ability to continue to control Cambodia both economically and in patrimonial terms.

The Cambodian economy is largely controlled by the Hun Sen family and its allies, forming a political and financial elite which holds immense wealth amidst widespread poverty. Hun Sen perpetuated the Khmer Rouge mentality and culture of considering the nation’s wealth and state property as spoils of war to be used at the victors’ discretion.

In this patrimonial power perspective, Hun Sen publicly declared that he saw himself in the future as “not only the father but also the grandfather of prime ministers.” He must have had the North Korean lineage of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un in mind.

Clan Succession

The replacement of Hun Sen by his son Hun Manet becomes almost comical when such succession extends not only to the Hun family but also to all families forming the ruling clan. In fact, practically all ministers in the current government led by Hun Sen will be replaced by their respective children in the upcoming government led by Hun Manet. This is a world-first that even North Korea had not dared to imagine.

What makes the creation of the Hun dynasty in Cambodia even more farcical is the “democratic” foundation that Hun Sen wanted to ensure for it. A two-penny farce that would be amusing if a country’s fate was not at stake.

Hun Sen wanted to take no risks over his son’s enthronement. On 23 July, he organized a sham election where his victory was 100% guaranteed. Just a few weeks before the voting day, he had arbitrarily removed the only opposition party that could have challenged him, the Candlelight Party (CP), which I founded 25 years ago.

This highly undemocratic and discriminatory measure provoked an outcry from the international community, which Hun Sen, in his determination to secure his son Hun Manet’s appointment as prime minister, utterly disregarded. But he won’t be able to ignore the backlash for long. Lack of legitimacy is the automatic result of elections without risk.

Lack of Legitimacy

This lack of legitimacy will remain a stain that forever marks the new government under Hun Manet.

Hun Manet himself has a lack of achievement for which Hun Sen cannot compensate. His personality seems rather dull compared to his father’s; he lacks charisma, eloquence and authority. Over the past twenty years spent alongside his father leading the country, particularly the military, he has never done or said anything that would suggest he possesses an independent personality. He has only continually praised his father without any critical thinking.

Despite being 45 years old, he has no known notable achievements or accomplishments, even though he had all the means to accomplish them. Just recently, when the time came to make him prime minister, slightly altering the initial timeline (see “What Lies Behind the Sudden Resignation of Prime Minister Hun Sen?” in The Geopolitics on August 7, 2023), “achievements” were suddenly attributed to him, such as his “heroic behavior” during border incidents with Thailand and Laos 10 or 15 years ago and his “exemplary leadership” in the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic.

These “achievements” largely rely on imagination, as some border incidents with neighboring countries were periodically manufactured by Hun Sen to boost his electoral campaigns, and the successes in fighting Covid-19 in Cambodia can raise skepticism (see “Cambodia is being turned into a political advert for Chinese vaccines” in The Geopolitics on November 16, 2021). Laos, which made little fuss about the pandemic, has fared better than Cambodia with fewer Covid-19 deaths per million inhabitants.

Even the highly-touted admission of Hun Manet to the US Military Academy at West Point conceals a secret inadvertently revealed by Hun Sen. In 2021, the father published a lengthy letter from his son in which the latter clarified that there were two paths to admission at West Point – one for Americans and the other for foreigners – and that he (Hun Manet) was admitted through the second path only thanks to political connections provided by the Phnom Penh government.

Looking ahead, with Hun Manet as prime minister and Hun Sen continuing to set the government’s major political directions, no liberalization of the current regime should be expected. This regime is fundamentally built on repression and violence, which have ensnared those exercising power. In fact, violence confines those who employ it to stay in power more so than those who suffer it. Any liberalization by dictators who rely on violence can only lead to their downfall. The enduring North Korean model is evidence of this.

Original source: https://thegeopolitics.com/what-can-we-expect-from-the-new-cambodian-prime-minister-hun-manet


សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍ចំពោះសំណេីរច្បាប់បោះឆ្នោតកំហិតសិទ្ធិនិងដាក់ជាកាតព្វកិច្ច

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍

ថ្ងៃនេះគណ:កម្មការដេីម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេស សូមសំដែងនូវការជំទាស់ចំពោះលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន ដែលកំពុងផ្តួចផ្តេីមបង្កេីតច្បាប់ហាមឃាត់អ្នកមិនបានបោះឆ្នោតគ្មានសិទ្ធិឈរឈ្មោះអោយគេបោះឆ្នោត និងដាក់ជាកាតព្វកិច្ច ជាដេីម។

សំណេីរច្បាប់នេះគឺសំដៅជាចំបងទៅរកពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរដែលកំពុងធ្វេីការនិងរស់នៅក្រៅប្រទេសដែលពួកគេគឺជាសសរស្តំសំខាន់នៃការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍សេដ្ឋកិច្ច ផ្សព្វផ្សាយវប្បធម៌ វិនិយោគទុននិងភាពជាមេដឹកនាំល្អ ។ល។និង។ល។

ច្បាប់នេះជាការគាបសង្កត់បន្ថែមទៀតទៅលេីពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរឯនាយសមុទ្រដែលមិនមានសិទ្ធិចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតពីទីតាំងឬប្រទេសដែលពួកគេកំពុងរស់នៅ សិក្សារៀនសូត្រ និងធ្វេីការ បន្ទាប់ពីមានច្បាប់ហាមមិនអោយពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរមានសញ្ជាតិពីរឈរឈ្មោះឬចូលរួមដឹកនាំតួនាទីកំពូលៗរបស់ជាតិ។

យេីងខ្ញុំសូមទទូចលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន និងគណបក្ស ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាដែលកំពុងកាន់អំណាចពិចារណាឡេីងវិញនូវការតាក់តែងច្បាប់នេះយ៉ាងតក់ក្រហល់ដោយសំដៅតែផលប្រយោជន៍ឈ្នះចាញ់ ផ្នែកគណបក្សនយោបាយរួចទុកស្ថាប័នជាតិនិងផលប្រយោជន៍ប្រជាជន ក៏ដូចជាសាមគ្គីផ្ទៃក្នុងជាតិជារឿងបន្ទាប់សន្សំ។

សូមអរព្រះគុណនិងសូមអរគុណ

១២ មិថុនា ២០២៣

Statement

Today, the Commission for the Voting Rights of Cambodians in Overseas, we would like to express our opposition to Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is initiating a law banning non-voters, no right to stand for election and mandate voting as an obligation.

This mandatory election law proposal is mainly aimed at Cambodians who are working and living abroad; they are the main pillars of economic development, promotion of culture, investment, and experienced leadership, etc.

This law is an additional oppression to overseas Cambodians who do not have the right to vote from the locations or countries where they are residing, learning and working, after the law prohibits dual Cambodian citizens from standing for or participating in leading the top roles of the nation was amended.

We urge Prime Minister Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party to reconsider while this law is hastily drafted, referring only to the interests of winning and losing political parties, and leaving the national institutions and the interests of the people as well as national unity as not a primary agenda.

Thank you and thank you

June 12, 2023


សំណើរសុំជួបសម្តេចតេជោ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន

សំណើរសុំជួបសម្តេចតេជោ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន

ក្រុមការងាររបស់អង្គការដឺស៊ីរ៉ក់បានប្រគល់លិខិតដោយផ្ទាល់ដៃទៅកាន់តំណាងកម្ពុជានៅអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិនៅទីក្រុងនូយ៉ក កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៤ ខែកញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ២០២២

TO: Permanent Mission of Cambodia to the UN, 327 E 58th St, New York, NY 10022, United States, Phone: +1 212-336-0777

FROM: Committee for Election Rights of Overseas Cambodians (The CEROC) Contact: 6596 Marlborough Ave., Burnaby, BC, V5H 3M1, Canada Phone: Home: 604-474-4295, Cell: 1-403-669-3006 Email: board@khmeroversea.info

✍️ញត្តិសំណូមពរសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតទៅនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន សែន

🙏សូមចូលរួមចុះហត្ថលេខាទាំងអស់គ្នាអោយច្រើនជាអតិបរមា

https://forms.gle/NuskeqVtLpkckwDr5


Happy Canada Day 1 July 2022

The Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, today issued the following statement on Canada Day:

“Today, we celebrate the country we love, and the people we share it with. Canada is home to over 38 million people: Canadians who live in cities and towns – big and small; people who are indigenous to this land; and those who’ve been here for weeks, months, years, or for generations.“

Canada is strong because of our diversity. No matter what our faith is, where we were born, what colour our skin is, what language we speak, or who we love – we are all equal members of this great country.“

Today, we celebrate the place we all call home. I know for some, our country’s historic wrongs can make that difficult. But while we can’t change history, we can put in the work to build a better future; one that reflects our values of hope, resilience, kindness, respect, and generosity.

“Generation after generation, Canadians have shown that we can deliver on those values. We did it when we adopted our charter in 1982, we did it when we took care of each other during the pandemic, and we do it every day when we welcome refugees with open arms.

“Today is an opportunity for us all to recommit ourselves to those values – values that the Maple Leaf represents. Because our flag is more than a symbol, it’s also a promise. A promise of opportunity. A promise of safety for those fleeing violence and war. And a promise of a better life.

“As we come together today, let’s think about what this country means to us – and tomorrow, let’s challenge ourselves to find new ways to live up to the great promise of Canada.

From my family to yours, happy Canada Day!”

===នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី Justin Trudeau នៅថ្ងៃនេះបានចេញសេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍ដូចខាងក្រោមនៅថ្ងៃទិវាជាតិកាណាដា:

“ថ្ងៃនេះ យើងអបអរសាទរប្រទេសដែលយើងស្រលាញ់ និងមនុស្សដែលយើងចែករំលែកជាមួយ។ ប្រទេសកាណាដាគឺជាផ្ទះសម្រាប់ប្រជាជនជាង 38 លាននាក់: ជនជាតិកាណាដាដែលរស់នៅក្នុងទីក្រុងនិងរាជធានី – ធំនិងតូច; ជនជាតិដើមភាគតិចនៃទឹកដីនេះ; និងអ្នកដែលនៅទីនេះសម្រាប់សប្តាហ៍ ខែ ឆ្នាំ ឬជាច្រើនជំនាន់។“

កាណាដាមានភាពរឹងមាំដោយសារតែភាពចម្រុះរបស់យើង។ មិន​ថា​ជំនឿ​របស់​យើង​ជា​អ្វី កើត​នៅ​កន្លែង​ណា ស្បែក​ពណ៌​អ្វី ភាសា​អ្វី​ដែល​យើង​និយាយ ឬ​អ្នក​ណា​ដែល​យើង​ស្រឡាញ់​ទេ យើង​ទាំង​អស់​គ្នា​គឺ​ជា​សមាជិក​ស្មើគ្នា​នៃ​ប្រទេស​ដ៏​អស្ចារ្យ​នេះ។“

ថ្ងៃនេះ យើងប្រារព្ធកន្លែងដែលយើងទាំងអស់គ្នាហៅថាផ្ទះ។ ខ្ញុំ​ដឹង​សម្រាប់​អ្នក​ខ្លះ​ថា កំហុស​ជា​ប្រវត្តិសាស្ត្រ​របស់​ប្រទេស​យើង​អាច​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​លំបាក។ ប៉ុន្តែខណៈពេលដែលយើងមិនអាចផ្លាស់ប្តូរប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្ត យើងអាចដាក់នៅក្នុងការងារដើម្បីកសាងអនាគតដ៏ល្អប្រសើរមួយដែលឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពីតម្លៃនៃក្តីសង្ឃឹម ភាពធន់ សេចក្តីសប្បុរស ការគោរព និងសេចក្តីសប្បុរសរបស់យើង។

“ពីមួយជំនាន់ទៅមួយជំនាន់ ប្រជាជនកាណាដាបានបង្ហាញថាយើងអាចផ្តល់តម្លៃទាំងនោះបាន។ យើងបានធ្វើវានៅពេលដែលយើងបានអនុម័តធម្មនុញ្ញរបស់យើងក្នុងឆ្នាំ 1982 យើងបានធ្វើវានៅពេលដែលយើងថែរក្សាគ្នាទៅវិញទៅមកក្នុងអំឡុងពេលជំងឺរាតត្បាត ហើយយើងធ្វើវាជារៀងរាល់ថ្ងៃនៅពេលដែលយើងស្វាគមន៍ជនភៀសខ្លួនដោយបើកចំហរ។“ថ្ងៃនេះគឺជាឱកាសមួយសម្រាប់យើងទាំងអស់គ្នាដើម្បីប្តេជ្ញាខ្លួនយើងចំពោះគុណតម្លៃទាំងនោះ – តម្លៃដែលស្លឹក Maple តំណាងឱ្យ។ ដោយសារតែទង់ជាតិរបស់យើងគឺលើសពីនិមិត្តសញ្ញា វាក៏ជាការសន្យាផងដែរ។ ការសន្យានៃឱកាស។ ការសន្យាសុវត្ថិភាពសម្រាប់អ្នកដែលភៀសខ្លួនចេញពីអំពើហិង្សា និងសង្គ្រាម។ និងការសន្យានៃជីវិតកាន់តែប្រសើរ។

“នៅពេលយើងមកជាមួយគ្នាថ្ងៃនេះ ចូរយើងគិតអំពីអ្វីដែលប្រទេសនេះមានន័យចំពោះយើង ហើយថ្ងៃស្អែក ចូរយើងប្រកួតប្រជែងគ្នាដើម្បីស្វែងរកវិធីថ្មីដើម្បីរស់នៅតាមការសន្យាដ៏អស្ចារ្យរបស់ប្រទេសកាណាដា។

ពីគ្រួសាររបស់ខ្ញុំទៅកាន់អ្នក រីករាយថ្ងៃទិវាជាតិកាណាដា!”


Letter: Candlelight Arrest Is a ‘Joke’

Letter: Candlelight Arrest Is a ‘Joke’

Nhim Sarom (Candlelight Party’s Facebook page)

Nhim Sarom (Candlelight Party’s Facebook page)🔊 Listen to this

Regarding “Candlelight Commune Chief-Elect Arrested for 2002 Robbery Case,” it is a joke for the Kampong Thom Provincial Court to have handcuffed Nhim Sarom, Candlelight Party commune chief-elect of Chamna Loeu commune. The use of a court warrant dated 10 years ago is the mark of a Kangaroo Court that ignores due process and pursues a predetermined conclusion, or of double standards where rules and laws are unfairly applied in different ways to different people. Legally speaking, the court in Cambodia has been notoriously accumulating distrust among Cambodian citizens. Politically speaking, the election is just a theater as the voice of the voters has never been respected.

This arrest is another testament to the incapability of the court and law enforcement in Cambodia. With prejudice and political partisanship, opposition dissidents are victimized, and they are found to be the wrongdoers in most legal and political cases. Can you imagine a society where good people are forced to be bad, and bad people are transformed to be good?

Sophoan Seng

President, Committee for Election Right of Overseas Cambodians

អានអត្ថបទ​រឿង «មេឃុំ​ភ្លើង​ទៀន ត្រូវ​បាន​ចាប់​ខ្លួន​ពី​ករណី​ប្លន់​ឆ្នាំ ២០០២» ជា​រឿង​កំប្លែង​សម្រាប់​សាលា​ដំបូង​ខេត្ត​កំពង់ធំ ដែល​បាន​ដាក់​ខ្នោះ​ដៃ​លោក ញឹម សារ៉ុម មេ​ឃុំ​គណបក្សភ្លើងទៀននៃ​ឃុំ​ចំណារលើ។ ការប្រើប្រាស់ដីការបស់តុលាការចុះកាលបរិច្ឆេទកាលពី 10 ឆ្នាំមុន គឺជាសញ្ញាសម្គាល់របស់តុលាការសត្វកាំងហ្គារូ (Kangaroo Court)ដែលមានន័យថាមិនអើពើនឹងដំណើរការត្រឹមត្រូវ និងធ្វើការសំរេចសេចក្តីកាត់ទោសនរណាម្នាក់ទៅតាមអ្វីដែលបានកំណត់ទុកជាមុន ឬតុលាការស្តង់ដារពីរ(double standard)ដែលមានន័យថាច្បាប់ និងនីតិក្រមត្រូវបានអនុវត្តដោយអយុត្តិធម៌ក្នុងវិធីផ្សេងគ្នាចំពោះមនុស្សផ្សេងគ្នា។ និយាយ​តាម​ផ្លូវ​ច្បាប់ តុលាការ​នៅ​កម្ពុជា​បាន​នឹង​កំពុង​ប្រមូល​ផ្ដុំ​ការ​មិន​ទុក​ចិត្ត​ពីប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ​កម្ពុជា​យ៉ាង​អសោច។ និយាយ​តាម​បែប​នយោបាយ ការបោះឆ្នោត​គ្រាន់តែ​ជា​ល្ខោននយោបាយ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​ព្រោះ​សំឡេង​អ្នក​បោះឆ្នោត​មិន​ដែល​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​គោរពទេ។

ការចាប់ខ្លួននេះ គឺជាសក្ខីកម្មមួយទៀត បង្ហាញពីអសមត្ថភាពរបស់តុលាការ និងការអនុវត្តច្បាប់នៅកម្ពុជា។ ជាមួយនឹងការរើសអើង និងការប្រកាន់បក្សពួកផ្នែកនយោបាយ អ្នកប្រឆាំងត្រូវបានរងគ្រោះ ហើយពួកគេត្រូវបានគេរកឃើញថាជាអ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តខុសនៅក្នុងសំណុំរឿងផ្លូវច្បាប់ និងនយោបាយ ភាគច្រើន។ តើ​អ្នក​អាច​ស្រមើស្រមៃ៉​ឃើញសង្គម​មួយនេះនឹងទៅជាយ៉ាងណានៅពេល​ដែល​មនុស្ស​ល្អ​ត្រូវ​បាន​បង្ខំ​ឱ្យ​ហៅថាជាមនុស្សអាក្រក់ ហើយ​មនុស្ស​អាក្រក់​ត្រូវ​បាន​បំលែងអោយ​ទៅ​ជាមនុស្ស​ល្អ​?

លោកសេង សុភ័ណ

ប្រធាន គណៈកម្មាធិការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេស


Letter: A Neutral Election Body Would Accept Chao Ratanak Complaint

Letter: A Neutral Election Body Would Accept Chao Ratanak Complaint

Op-Ed: VOD English

Chao Ratanak, Candlelight Party’s commune chief candidate in Poipet commune, stands next to her father, Chao Veasna, a former opposition councilor in the commune, outside her house on May 14, 2022. (Matt Surrusco/VOD)

Chao Ratanak, Candlelight Party’s commune chief candidate in Poipet commune, stands next to her father, Chao Veasna, a former opposition councilor in the commune, outside her house on May 14, 2022. (Matt Surrusco/VOD)🔊 Listen to this

Reading the article “Election Committee Rejects Candlelight Complaint Due to Lack of Specifics” recalls to mind how for Cambodian voters back in the 1998 national election — after the coup d’etat in 1997 — the legacy of the professional election institution built by the UNTAC was demolished and a new National Election Committee rebuilt. And in 2017, when the Cambodia National Rescue Party was dissolved, the legacy of an NEC created by the spirit of “culture of dialogue” was also demolished.

The response of the local election committee in the latest case is not a surprise, as the professionalism of neutrality has not been embedded in their workmanship at all. If this local election committee was well-trained, comprehensive, professional, and fearless to perform their duty without reprisal, they would try to accommodate complaints filed by Chao Ratanak without creating any further obstruction. But their performance shows not only an incapability for professional conduct but also bias toward the ruling party without doubt.

Observing the leadership structure of the current NEC, regardless of the instalment of party activists, the bureaucratic hierarchy from the national level to provincial level and to local agents is not necessary at all, and this structure creates more avenues to favor the ruling party than to serve the interests of voters. The judicial system being used as a political tool for the ruling party also disincentivizes professional conduct for the NEC and its staff.

Since Cambodia has conducted elections according to the spirit of Paris Peace Agreements, only two elections have been regarded as credible and professional, i.e. 1993 and 2017. Hence, the political maturity of the Cambodian people and their dynamic activism have paved concrete hope for the betterment in the near future. 

Sophoan Seng
President, Committee for Election Right of Overseas Cambodians

===

លិខិត៖ បើស្ថាប័នរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតអព្យាក្រឹត គេនឹងទទួលយកពាក្យបណ្តឹង ចៅ រតនៈ

សេង សោភ័ណ្ឌ
| ថ្ងៃចន្ទ ទី១៣ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ២០២២ ម៉ោង ១០:០៣ ព្រឹក


ការអានអត្ថបទ “គណៈកម្មាធិការរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតបដិសេធការតវ៉ាដោយភ្លើងទៀនដោយចោទថាខ្វះភាពច្បាស់លាស់” រំលឹកឡើងវិញពីរបៀបដែលអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតកម្ពុជាត្រលប់ទៅការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិឆ្នាំ 1998 បន្ទាប់ពីរដ្ឋប្រហារឆ្នាំ 1997 កេរដំណែលនៃស្ថាប័នបោះឆ្នោតមានវិជ្ជាជីវៈដែលបង្កើតឡើងដោយអ៊ុនតាក់គឺរុះរើចោល ហើយ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ជាតិ​រៀបចំ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ថ្មី​មួយ​ទៀត​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​កសាងសង់​ថ្មីឡើង​វិញ។ ហើយនៅឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ នៅពេលដែលគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិត្រូវបានរំលាយ កេរដំណែលរបស់ គ.ជ.ប ដែលបង្កើតឡើងដោយស្មារតី “វប្បធម៌សន្ទនា” ក៏ត្រូវបានបំផ្លាញចោលផងដែរ។

ការឆ្លើយតបរបស់គណៈកម្មាធិការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតមូលដ្ឋាននៅក្នុងករណីចុងក្រោយនេះមិនមែនជាការភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលនោះទេ ព្រោះវិជ្ជាជីវៈនៃអព្យាក្រឹតភាពមិនត្រូវបានបង្កប់នៅក្នុងផ្នត់គំនិតរបស់ពួកគេទាល់តែសោះ។ ប្រសិនបើគណៈកម្មការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតមូលដ្ឋាននេះ មានការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលត្រឹមត្រូវ ចំណេះដឹងទូលំទូលាយ មានវិជ្ជាជីវៈ និងគ្មានការភ័យខ្លាចក្នុងការបំពេញកាតព្វកិច្ចដោយមិនមានការសងសឹកណាមួយទេនោះ ពួកគេនឹងព្យាយាមដោះស្រាយបណ្តឹងដែលប្តឹងដោយ ចៅ រតនៈ ដោយមិនមានការបង្កជាឧបសគ្គអ្វីតទៅទៀត។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ការ​អនុវត្ត​របស់​ពួកគេ​មិន​ត្រឹម​តែ​បង្ហាញ​ពី​ភាព​អសមត្ថភាព​សម្រាប់​ការ​ប្រព្រឹត្តមុខ​វិជ្ជាជីវៈ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​ថែម​ទាំង​លម្អៀង​ទៅ​កាន់​គណបក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​សង្ស័យ​។

ការសង្កេតលើរចនាសម្ព័ន្ធដឹកនាំរបស់ គ.ជ.ប បច្ចុប្បន្ន ដោយមិនគិតពីការដំឡើងសកម្មជនបក្សនោះទេ ឋានានុក្រមការិយាធិបតេយ្យពីថ្នាក់ជាតិដល់ថ្នាក់ខេត្ត និងភ្នាក់ងារមូលដ្ឋានគឺមិនចាំបាច់ទាល់តែសោះ ហើយរចនាសម្ព័ន្ធនេះវារឹតតែបង្កើតនូវមធ្យោបាយជាច្រើនទៀតដើម្បីអនុគ្រោះនិងលំអៀងទៅរកគណបក្សកាន់អំណាច ជាជាងបម្រើផលប្រយោជន៍អ្នកបោះឆ្នោត។ ប្រព័ន្ធ​តុលាការ​ដែល​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​ប្រើ​ជា​ឧបករណ៍​នយោបាយ​សម្រាប់​គណបក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​ក៏​បាន​បង្អាក់​បន្ទុចការ​ប្រព្រឹត្តមុខ​វិជ្ជាជីវៈ​ដល់ គ.ជ.ប និង​បុគ្គលិក​របស់​ខ្លួន។

ចាប់តាំងពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបានរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតស្របតាមស្មារតីនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងទីក្រុងប៉ារីស មានតែការបោះឆ្នោតពីរប៉ុណ្ណោះដែលត្រូវបានចាត់ទុកថាគួរឱ្យទុកចិត្ត និងប្រកបដោយវិជ្ជាជីវៈ ពោលគឺឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣ និងឆ្នាំ ២០១៧។ ទោះយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ភាពចាស់ទុំខាងនយោបាយរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរ និងសកម្មភាពសង្គមដ៏ស្វាហាប់របស់ពួកគេ បានក្រាលគ្រឹៈប៉េតុងនូវក្តីសង្ឃឹមជាក់ស្តែងសម្រាប់ភាពល្អប្រសើរ នាពេលខាងមុខ។

សេង សោភ័ណ្ឌ
ប្រធានគណៈកម្មាធិការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេស